![]() However, Lin Foxhall has argued that Greek houses often had no permanent kitchens. Historians have identified a "hearth-room" in ancient Greek houses as a centre of female activity. ![]() Entranceways at Olynthos were designed for privacy, preventing passers-by from seeing inside the house. ![]() On the Murder of Eratosthenes demonstrates that at least some Athenian houses also had an upper storey. Only a minority of the houses had evidence of staircases survive, demonstrating that they definitely had upper storeys, while for the remainder of Olynthian houses the evidence is inconclusive. Likewise, of the houses excavated at Halieis in the Argolid, most of the houses seem to have had a single entrance which gave access to a court, and Nevett also cites three buildings excavated on Thasos as being similarly arranged around a courtyard. In the classical period, houses excavated from Olynthos were "invariably" organised around a colonnaded courtyard. By contrast, in Athens houses appear to have varied much more in size and shape. In Olynthos and Halieis, street plans in the classical city were rectilinear, and thus houses were of regular shapes and sizes. The grid layout, with regularly sized rectangular houses, can be seen. In this model, access to the private areas were restricted to the family, while public areas accommodated visitors. It has been argued that instead of dividing the household space into "male" and "female" areas, it is more accurate to look at areas as being private or public. More recent scholarship from historians such as Lisa Nevett and Lin Foxhall has argued for a more flexible approach to household space, with rooms not simply having a single fixed function, and gendering of space not being as simple as some rooms being for men and others for women. In Lysias' speech On the Murder of Eratosthenes, the women's rooms were said to be situated above the men's quarters, while in Xenophon the women's and men's quarters are next to one another. This archive was generated by hypermail 2.1.Traditional interpretations of the layout of the oikos in Classical Athens have divided into men's and women's spaces, with an area known as the gynaikon or gynaikonitis associated with women's activities such as cooking and textiles work, and an area restricted to men called the andron. You are currently subscribed to b-greek as: Re: John 16,23" That KAT' OIKON can refer to the church meeting in a private home. Up, but that aspect of this discussion is a bit afield. It may have been associated with Miletus. Used exclusively as a meeting place for a church is near the end of the ![]() It seems to me that I read somewhere that the earliest mention of a building This is still the distributive use of the phrase. House, such as Aquila and Presca and clearly means the church in their house. Used with the names of individuals to mean that the church met in their It occurs several times in Acts with this meaning. This the distributive function of the prep. In Greek that they broke bread "from house to house," i.e. >McDole's comments on form and function as well.ĮN OIKWi would be to say "in a house," location. >location or the structure in which they met? This may relate to Robert >including extended family and their network of relationships) than the >that the early church met according to oikos (meaning family units, >met in a home to break bread, wouldn't it make more sense to say EN OIKW? >and its construction in Acts: KAT' OIKON. >Yes, and this brings up another point concerning the semantic range of
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